HOW CHINA’S LGBTQ+ COMMUNITY NAVIGATES BEING ONLINE

Read part 4 of the series here.

In 2023, Chinese censors suddenly shut down some public WeChat accounts, specifically targeting those which focused on feminist and LGBTQ+ issues, in an attempt to silence civic organisations which can threaten Party rule. In a country where traditional media is heavily censored and controlled by the state apparatus, China’s LGBTQ+ community has been steadily harnessing the power of online spaces and media to advocate for themselves and push for LGBTQ+ rights. Considering the societal attitudes and state policies which often clash with the principles of inclusivity demanded by the queer community in China, digital spaces —especially social networking sites, online forums, and mobile apps— have increasingly become a crucial platform for bringing about greater visibility of queer Chinese and enabling them to voice their demands. Nonetheless, LGBTQ+ activists have to be cautious while engaging in online discourse so as to not challenge or threaten the Party-state’s authority. As such, they have devised creative ways to inform the wider public, fellow queer individuals and the authorities regarding the nuances of Chinese queer identity and the specific challenges faced by the queer community in the Chinese context. 

Role of online spaces in LGBTQ+ advocacy

The advent of information communication technologies has changed the state-society relations in China. Numerous online communities have mushroomed, but there is a significant difference between Chinese online communities and other online communities based in open societies. In particular, they have to find a delicate balance between their own autonomy and Chinese control and management of online platforms, which becomes more complicated with respect to minorities, such as the LGBTQ+ community in China. 

However, simply framing the Chinese LGBTQ+ community as being at odds with conservative political authorities would be an oversimplification of the nuanced dynamics surrounding the positioning of LGBTQ+ content creators online. While it is undeniable that LGBTQ+ individuals have had to employ creative means and identify loopholes in Chinese internet regulations in order to survive, it is also worth noting that queer culture persists because Chinese businesses are increasingly becoming aware of the potential of the “pink economy”. This demonstrates a complex interplay between censorship, economic interests, and social change in online communities in China, which influences queer expression and activism. 

Not only have online spaces provided a space for minorities to build local communities, it has also proven to be a tool for guiding public opinion; raising awareness and mobilising support; collective action; and bargaining with the state regarding their legal rights. Social media platforms, such as Weibo, Douyin, Xiaohongshu and Bilibili, especially have allowed for the circumvention of traditional media censorship as well as the development of self-media, which has enabled peripheral communities —such as gender and sexual minorities— to survive (and thrive) in a restrictive online landscape, partake in alternative forms of activism and actualise social change. For instance, LGBTQ+ activists such as He Xiaopei have utilised their social media platforms to advocate for greater acceptance of LGBTQ+ individuals in Chinese society. The presence of openly gay content creators and influencers like Sida Jiang and Edward Fan has also brought further attention on queer issues. Despite state regulations, several queer individuals (mostly men) have engaged in livestreaming apps, offering a peek into China’s sexual minority community.  However, despite the empowering potential of social media to amplify individuals’ voices, its effectiveness remains contingent on shifts in government policy, technological accessibility, and platform regulations. 

Navigating censorship on Chinese Internet 

In China, the state’s intervention in civil society is also reflected in its control of the media. Media, both traditional and digital, is predominantly state-owned and subject to extensive censorship, despite efforts to commercialise and marketise the industry. In this regard, the Chinese government has passed several policies such as the China Internet Industry pledge in 2002 which requires internet businesses to “carry forward the rich cultural tradition of the Chinese nation and the moral code of socialist spiritual civilization" (大力弘扬中华民族优秀文化传统和社会主义精神文明的道德准则). In 2021, China published Rules for Review Standards for Online Short Video Content which bans content that "endangers the socialist system with Chinese characteristics'' (危害中国特色社会主义制度的内容) and “displays obscenity, exaggerates vulgar taste, and promotes unhealthy and non-mainstream views on marriage and love” (展示淫秽色情, 渲染庸俗低级趣味, 宣扬不健康和非主流的婚恋观的内容). 

Such stringent controls and restrictions imposed by the state on the internet have significantly impeded the development of a positive and healthy self-identity among queer individuals, while also hindering the establishment and growth of a supportive and thriving LGBTQ+ community. In such an environment, digital platforms such as Sina Weibo, WeChat and Douyin engage in strict self-censorship in order to maintain reciprocity and cultivate a cooperative relationship with political authorities. Douyin’s content guidelines mimic the PRC Rules for Online Short Video Content and penalise content that promotes "unhealthy and non-mainstream views on marriage and love" by purging such content, freezing accounts, and shadow-banning content which does not meet Douyin’s standards. Such censorship specifically impacts LGBTQ+ individuals and their ability to advocate for their rights.

Generally, Chinese LGBTQ+ individuals are self-restrained in terms of opening up about their gender orientation and sexual identity due to familial responsibilities as well as the political risks and repercussions involved. However, in recent times LGBTQ+ activists and individuals have been able to create alternative forms of discourse, bringing greater awareness surrounding queer identity, despite the tightening of control in China. Although LGBTQ+ issues are not considered a significant political threat to the legitimacy of the Communist Party of China, collective expression is monitored and censored. LGBTQ+ activists are mindful about not crossing the line and painting themselves as a target of the authorities. 

Rather than confronting the Party-state, LGBTQ+ rights activists focus on mobilising discourses on queer identity; individual empowerment while maintaining anonymity; and building networks with LGBTQ+ allies and the public in large through social media. Qiu Bai’s case is a prominent example of a successful social media campaign in China. Qiu Bai, a LGBTQ+ rights activist, sued the Ministry of Education for carrying homophobic textbooks in universities. Instead of only focusing on the lawsuit(s), Qiu Bai sought to engender public discussion about sexual orientation and gender identity through social media campaigns, writing online posts, and organising crowdfunding events, all of which grabbed both national and international attention. Activists have also utilised art performance as activism, or ‘artivism’ in China — not only does it grab the attention of the masses, it also masks activism, effectively subverting traditional gender roles.

This increased visibility of queer expression and demands online has also given rise to instances of criticism against homophobic policies. For example, in 2018, Weibo launched a campaign to provide a “clean and harmonious community environment” following PRC laws like the Cyber Security Law. Through this campaign Weibo targeted pornographic, violent and homosexual content, deleting posts and topics and removing accounts that violated Weibo regulations. However, lumping homosexual content with pornographic and violent content drew outrage on Chinese social media, with advocacy groups such as PFLAG China demanding shareholders sell their shares. As stock prices fell sharply, Weibo quickly reversed its ban on homosexual content. Such cases, albeit rare, showcase the growing support and tolerance for LGBTQ+ issues in China. 

It remains important to measure to what extent queer activism and greater awareness of LGBTQ+ demands have influenced policy and public perceptions. While the challenges facing China’s LGBTQ+ community in navigating online spaces and advocating for their rights are daunting, there are actionable steps that activists can take to further their cause. Firstly, they should continue leveraging the power of social media and other online platforms to raise awareness and mobilise support, despite the risks of state censorship and societal pressures. Secondly, activists should focus on building resilient nationwide networks of support, both within the LGBTQ+ community and with allies in civil society, academia, and the media. Thirdly, advocating for policy and legal reforms should be prioritised, with a strategic approach that considers the political climate and seeks incremental changes. Lastly, by engaging with the public and fostering understanding of queer issues through education and outreach, LGBTQ+ activists can help counter apathy and misinformation. Despite the obstacles, these efforts are crucial for advancing LGBTQ+ rights and fostering a more inclusive society in China.