This Issue Brief analyses trends in the Communist Party of China's (CPC) membership under Xi Jinping, highlighting changes towards a more educated, professional, and inclusive yet ageing membership base. It examines the composition of the Party and regulatory measures to enhance member quality and engagement, reflecting the Party's strategic approach to maintaining influence and organizational strength amid evolving internal and external challenges.

In the People's Republic of China, membership in the Communist Party of China (CPC) confers significant social, political, and economic privileges, positioning individuals within an elite stratum of society. Party members wield considerable influence over local dynamics, extending from village-level cadres to those operating within urban grids, impacting the lives of ordinary citizens. The status of a CPC member is thus synonymous with elite status in China.

On July 1, 2024, the CPC released its annual membership data, underscoring its organisational strength and revealing the Party’s composition and diversity. As the second largest political party globally after Bhartiya Janta Party in India, the CPC is renowned for its disciplined, hierarchical, and supposedly meritocratic structure. The data on Party membership indicates that as of December 31, 2023, Party membership had reached 99.185 million, representing a net increase of 1.144 million or 1.2 per cent since the end of 2022. Against this background, this Issue Brief will study and analyse trends in the Party’s membership to reveal that under Xi Jinping, the composition and orientation of the Party has changed to become more educated, professional, inclusive and also, older.

Membership: Process and Benefits

To become a member of the CPC individuals must undergo a rigorous process of education and assessment lasting over a year. This involves listening to feedback from various stakeholders, including Party members and the masses. Once deemed suitable, the candidate’s status is reviewed by the branch committee and filed with the higher-level Party committee. Candidates must have two full Party members as introducers, usually their cultivation contacts or individuals designated by the Party organization. These introducers are crucial in explaining the Party’s program, Charter, membership obligations, assessing the candidate’s political consciousness, moral character, performance and guiding them through the application process. They also present the candidate’s circumstances to the branch general meeting and continue providing education and support after the candidate becomes a probationary member. A thorough political review is mandatory, focusing on the candidate's adherence to Party principles, political history, discipline, social ethics, and the political backgrounds of close family and associates. Methods of evaluation include interviews, archival reviews and inquiries, ensuring a comprehensive understanding of the candidate's suitability.

The survival of Communist rule in China hinges on the strength of the Communist Party, which, in turn, relies on the caliber of its members. Chinese blogger Zeng Jinyan has detailed three important benefits of joining the Party in today’s China: promotions, lenient punishments and financial perks, even if you don't believe in Communism. Additionally, relationships and connections bring various advantages in terms of economic and social mobility. Party members and applicants are aware of these benefits in China and are drawn to join the Party in search of prosperity, prestige and power.

Membership and Regulations under Xi Jinping: Shifting Emphasis 

Since Xi Jinping's ascension to leadership of the Party in November 2012, an emphasis on the quality of new members has been laid over sheer numbers. As depicted in Figure 1, although Party membership has grown from approximately 85 million in 2012 to nearly 100 million by December 2023, the CPC has taken a strategic approach to recruitment, focusing on enhancing the caliber and commitment of its members. The 2014 regulation implemented by the Central Organization Department has facilitated structural changes within the CPC’s approach to membership, conceptualising the Party as an "organic whole." The primary requirements for developing high-quality party members include regulating the total number of members, optimising the Party structure, improving the quality of members and enhancing their effectiveness.

The first of these measures to regulate the total number of party members and implement controls for the same is to ensure that the annual growth rate of party members remains appropriate, thereby maintaining a suitable scale. The second, to optimise the Party structure, focusses on developing party members according to the characteristics of different groups, industries and positions, continuously optimising the membership structure. Improving the quality of members involves adherence to party standards, enhanced training and education, enforcement of strict daily management, and upholding discipline. To enhance effectiveness, the regulations encourage members to remain purpose-driven, engage actively with the community, fulfil their duties and exemplify pioneering behaviour. These regulations underscore the CPC's strategic approach to cultivating a disciplined and effective membership under Xi Jinping, ensuring its members are numerous, capable, committed, disciplined, loyal and well-integrated within the party's broader organisational framework.

Figure 1: Total number of Party Members

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Source: Intra-party statistical communiqué of the Communist Party of China 图解:中国共产党党内统计公报

Studying the volume, composition and quality of Party membership over the last decade reveals the effectiveness of the 2014 regulation when membership data is juxtaposed with China's population growth trends.  For instance, when China’s population growth rate (-0.02 per cent) turned negative in 2023 for the first time since 1961, the growth rate of Party membership increased by 1.3 per cent in 2022 and 1.2 per cent in 2023. This suggests that the post-2014 regulatory adjustments, which aimed to ensure a rational growth rate in Party membership, prioritised the quality of membership over sheer quantity and effectively managed Party membership growth. Bruce Dickson's research reveals the strategies employed by the CPC to integrate the emerging business professional, technical and managerial class into the CPC. A pivotal moment was the 16th Party Congress, which formally incorporated Jiang Zemin’s “Three Represents” doctrine into the Party constitution. However, this practice had begun informally with the concept of Four Transformations in 1982, which urged ‘more revolutionary, younger, better educated, and more professional’ cadres. Meanwhile, constitutional changes also significantly increased the number of party-affiliated businessmen, or "red capitalists”. The percentage of entrepreneurs who were party members rose from 20 per cent in the late 1990s to 35 per cent by 2004. During the Xi period, the professional, technical, and managerial staff membership increased from 26.93 million in 2012 to 31.61 million in 2019. In addition, the new membership data shows that during the Hu Jintao period from 2002 to 2012, 31.6 per cent of new members were college-educated, while under the Xi, this number was five percentage points higher, growing to 41.3 per cent between 2012 and 2019.

 

Composition of Party Members: Gender, Ethnicity, Age and Employment

The Party has undergone significant changes in membership composition since its inception. Initially, the party was composed predominantly of intellectuals and workers (mostly between 1921 and 1927), inspired by Marxist-Leninist ideologies and the success of the Russian Revolution. During the Long March (1934-1935), the CPC's membership expanded to include peasants as the party sought to build a broad support base in rural areas. After the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the party's ranks swelled with members from various social strata, including soldiers, urban workers, and bureaucrats. In the reform era starting in the late 1970s under Deng Xiaoping, the CPC opened its doors to entrepreneurs and private sector professionals, reflecting China's shift towards a market economy. Today, the CPC's membership is diverse, encompassing a wide range of social classes while maintaining a strong presence of government officials and military personnel. 

The 1954 People’s Republic of China (PRC) Constitution enshrined that women should enjoy equal political rights, the same as men. Yet, measures to elevate the political status of Chinese women remain insufficient in ensuring participation in the CPC. The Constitution of the PRC was amended in 1982 to include a vaguely worded statement that "the Party attaches great importance to the training and promotion of female officials". This remains the sole official reference to women’s political rights within the official document. The National People’s Congress (NPC), China’s legislative body and highest state organ, is the only national-level political institution that has adopted any gender quota. However, the provision remains ambiguous; since 1988, the NPC has stipulated merely that the proportion of female delegates within each term "should not be lower" than the previous term. While this provision allows the NPC to assert that a record number of women serve as delegates each term, women constitute only 26.54 per cent of China’s NPC (See Figure 2). No other political institutions, including the CPC Central Committee, the State Council, or the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, have implemented gender quotas. For instance, no woman was elected to the Politburo at the 20th Party Congress in 2022. Junyi Cai states that in the past, ‘only thirty-two females have ever held the top positions in the state and Party at the national level, commonly referred to as ‘Party and State Leaders’ and among them, only six women have ever been full members of the Politburo’. While the Party constitution has popularly supported gender balance, the policies adopted over a decade suggest that the party has not successfully implemented changes related to promoting gender balance. 

Figure 2: Total number of Female Party Members

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Sources: Intra-party statistical communiqué of the Communist Party of China 图解:中国共产党党内统计公报

Figure 2 illustrates the total number of female party members and their percentage relative to the overall membership of the Party from 2012 to 2023. It reveals that the number of female party members has consistently increased, reflecting ongoing efforts to enhance gender inclusivity within the CPC. Notable increases in female membership are particularly evident from 2015 onwards. Furthermore, as the proportion of female members increases, there is scope for a greater focus on policies addressing women's issues, potentially leading to more comprehensive and equitable policy development. The trend suggests a positive movement towards greater gender inclusivity in party membership, with the total number and percentage of female members exhibiting steady growth over the last ten years.

Figure 3: Total number of Ethnic Minority Party Members

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Source: Intra-party statistical communiqué of the Communist Party of China 图解:中国共产党党内统计公报

The PRC recognises 56 ethnic groups in China and there are 7,592 million ethnic minority party members. The inclusion of ethnic minorities is part of the CPC's broader strategy to promote national unity, social stability, and the development of minority regions through economic and cultural integration. Figure 3 displays the representation of ethnic minorities within the Party from 2012 to 2023. There has been a notable increase in ethnic minority party members (in absolute numbers), from approximately 4.5 million in 2012 to more than 7.5 million by 2023. The percentage of ethnic minority members as part of the total party membership has also shown a consistent upward trend, increasing from around 6.7 per cent in 2012 to approximately 7.7 per cent in 2023. The most significant percentage gains occurred between 2012 and 2015, with a notable resurgence from 2019 onwards. While minor fluctuations are evident around 2019 and 2020, the overall trajectory indicates progressive enhancement of ethnic minority participation in the Party. The data implies a deliberate strategy by the party to foster more ethnic minority representation, reflecting potential successes in integration policies. The increase in ethnic minorities could also correspond to demographic shifts that compel that Party to seek out greater numbers of ethnic minorities. Chinese President Xi has insisted that “The Party must keep in mind that China as a unified, multi-ethnic country is a basic, fundamental national condition”. The National Ethnic Affairs Commission, under the supervision of the United Front Work Department of the Party, is responsible for the Party’s ethnic policy. However, there is no specific policy or regulation, at least in public, which can be linked with ensuring greater minority participation in party membership.

Figure 4: Employment-wise Party Membership


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Source: Intra-party statistical communiqué of the Communist Party of China 图解:中国共产党党内统计公

In the formative phase of the CPC, the Party was controlled by urban intellectual elites, but gradually its power base shifted and so did the composition. Workers and peasants led revolutionary struggles that formed the PRC in 1949, but in the wake of reform and opening up and subsequent developments, the Party opened its ranks to emerging working professionals, including capitalists, managers, lawyers, entrepreneurs, and other white-collar workers. Figure 4 depicts the longitudinal distribution of party members across different employment categories from 2008 to 2023. Workers have maintained a relatively stable representation, consistently below 10 per cent throughout the years. This is partly because the nature of the working class has changed and the Party allowed newer professional classes to join the Party, which emerged after the opening up of China’s economy. The relatively low levels of workers in recent times is also partly because the motive of the Party has shifted from revolution to governance. Similarly, peasants, who have historically constituted the largest segment of party membership, have seen a declining trend over time, dropping from above 30 per cent to around 25 per cent by 2023. On the other hand, the proportion of managers & professionals exhibits a notable upward trajectory, increasing from approximately 15 per cent in 2008 to nearly 25 per cent in 2023, indicating a significant enhancement in this demographics representation within the party mainly because of the number of professionals, managers and private sector employees (which the Party officially called ‘New Productive Forces’ since 2002) have increased in China. Public servants have maintained a relatively steady presence, fluctuating around 10 per cent, mainly because they enjoy perks like health care support from the Party and the government due to their active engagement with the Party, even after retirement. Students have shown noticeable fluctuations with a recent upward trend, suggesting increased engagement among younger members. The Party has acknowledged the role of human capital in the Party’s ruling capacity; therefore, to make the Party more relevant and advanced, it has inducted more educated members, specifically college graduates.

The notable increase in managers & professionals underscores a shift towards a more professionalised and potentially educated membership base within the party. Similarly, the technocratic shift at the higher echelons of the Party hierarchy also reflects this change. For instance, the 19th Central Committee leadership was dominated by leaders with degrees in Humanities and Social Sciences. Among the seven members of the Politburo Standing Committee, four held degrees in Social Sciences and Humanities. Additionally, most of the Central Committee members are trained in disciplines such as Law, Economics, and other Social Sciences. Of the 20th Party Congress elected members, 98 per cent have a bachelors and above educational degree. Among them, 114 members have a degree in science disciplines, and 121 members studied finance-related subjects. Among the Politburo Standing Committee members in the 20th Party Congress, Xi Jinping and Cai Qi have Ph.D. degrees. The fluctuating yet increasing percentage of students suggests growing youth involvement in party affairs, which is pivotal for its long-term sustainability and vitality.

In contrast, retirees have registered a gradual increase in the Party membership, particularly in recent years, reaching approximately 15 per cent in 2023, potentially reflecting an ageing trend within the party membership or heightened participation among retirees. The rising proportion of retirees also implies demographic shifts that may influence the party's policy focus and strategic direction. Cai Fang, at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, has said that China’s population peaked in 2021, and the declining population trend is a ‘new normal’. Due to the One-China policy and sky-rocketing urban living standards, Chinese urban citizens are not producing many children. In summary, the composition of the Party reveals a dynamic and diversified membership profile within the party, characterised by substantial representation from peasants, a rising presence of managers & professionals, increasing engagement from students, and a notable demographic shift towards ageing members. These sectional interests highlight the party's evolving policy agenda and strategic initiatives aimed at its membership base.

Figure 5: Age-structure of the Party

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Source: Intra-party statistical communiqué of the Communist Party of China 图解:中国共产党党内统计公报

The recent statistics show that the Party is becoming old, in line with its ageing population. This data also indicates that since a large number of Party members joined in the last decades of the late 20th century, the rise of the living standards and life expectancy has allowed them to be members of the party even after their age has reached 60 or above. This may be one reason why the Party has the highest number of members in the age group of 60 or above. The over-61 age group, comprised mainly of second-generation Party members born during the late 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s, maintains prominence and reflects historical continuity within the party ranks. Recognising the ageing demographic profile of the Party, the leadership has endeavoured since the early 2000s to rejuvenate its ranks with younger, more dynamic members. Party policies, such as Four Transformations in 1982 and Three Represents in 2022, have allowed young, educated and professional members to join the Party.

Conclusion

After assuming the top Party position, Xi Jinping implemented comprehensive reforms to enhance Party membership quality. The Party has introduced training programs, education initiatives, and courses to instill core Party values such as loyalty, leadership, and discipline. To foster loyal and disciplined cadres, especially among educated youth and corporate managers, the Party has established ‘cells’ within private entities to disseminate Xi Jinping Thought and Xi’s policies. New members are required to internalize and implement Party policies at the grassroots level. While connections and economic benefits often motivate membership, the Party's organizational prowess continues to attract diverse social and economic classes. This ensures the CPC's pervasive influence and robust organizational strength across society. The CPC will have to remain resilient, adaptable, and responsive to internal demographic challenges, economic stagnation, a human capital crisis, and external pressures such as trade wars, climate issues, and other adversities to sustain its pervasive influence. 

Author

Rahul Pandey, is a PhD Candidate in Jawaharlal Nehru University, with a research focus on the domestic politics of China, particularly the Communist Party of China. He hold a Bachelor's degree in Political Science (Honours) and a Master's degree in Political Science from Delhi University, and an MPhil in Chinese Studies from Jawaharlal Nehru University. His research expertise lies in the dynamics of Cadre Recruitment, Chinese politics, and political science, driving my passion to contribute meaningfully to the field through my academic pursuits. He aspires to make a contribution in the field of quantitative political science and China studies in India.

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